On April 10, one year has passed since the opposition’s successful attempt to oust PTI Chairman Imran Khan through a no-confidence vote ended his tenure as prime minister.
Pakistan’s first prime minister to be removed by such a parliamentary vote was Khan.
The head of the PTI has screamed at the top of his lungs for the past year, claiming that he was ousted by a “foreign conspiracy” (a claim he has since backtracked on), and he has demanded and continues to demand that the country hold elections immediately.
However, how did it arrive at this point? Dawn.com examines the sequence of events that led up to the no-confidence motion as well as the last few days of the historic event that captivated the nation.
Prelude Rumors of introducing a motion of no confidence against the 22nd prime minister began in 2021, when the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), an opposition alliance formed in 2020, initially split over the action.
Interestingly, the PML-N had declared such a move to be “impractical,” but the PPP was the first to hint at it.
But then a tear started to appear in the government and military establishment’s carefully crafted “one-page” narrative, which critics have long alleged assisted the PTI in gaining power in 2018.
Imran wanted Lt. Gen. Faiz Hameed, who has since retired, to continue in the position of country’s new spymaster, according to reports in the final quarter of 2021.
As rumors about the impasse over the appointment between the civil and military leadership ran rampant, government ministers repeatedly assured the nation that nothing was amiss behind the scenes.
Although a new spymaster was in place by the end of October, it appeared that the damage had already been done. The PDM decided to strike after smelling blood in the water and officially announced in February 2022 that it would file a no-confidence motion against Imran.
March 8, 2022: A delegation of senior opposition lawmakers, including Marriyum Aurangzeb of the PML-N, Rana Sanaullah, Ayaz Sadiq of the PPP, and Shazia Marri of the PPP, submitted the no-trust motion against Imran to the National Assembly Secretariat because Asad Qaiser, the NA speaker, was not present at the time. However, they were confident that they had the necessary numbers.
The opposition provided two sets of documents: one to requisition the lower house of parliament because it was not in session, pursuant to Article 54 of the Constitution, and another to request a no-confidence vote against the prime minister.
Marriyum of the PML-N said that the requisition notice had 102 members sign it, while the resolution had 152.
Later that very day, PML-N President Shehbaz Sharif, PPP’s Asif Ali Zardari and PDM boss Maulana Fazlur Rehman addressed a public interview to declare the resistance’s move officially.
March 17, 2022: Dissidents from the PTI start a firestorm Lawmakers from the PTI, who had been hiding out at Sindh House in Islamabad, came out to show that the opposition’s claims that they had won over members of the ruling coalition were true.
The government made the claim as it accused the opposition of purchasing legislators’ loyalty in advance of the no-trust vote.
A large portion of the people, which included individuals from the purported Jehangir Tareen gathering and who joined the PTI before the 2018 decisions, guaranteed that they were remaining at the office independently and they chose to go there in the wake of noticing some “dubious exercises and getting dangers” while remaining at the Parliament Cabins.
Allegations that they had been offered money to help the opposition’s no-trust move succeed were all denied by them all. The individuals, in any case, were shy when inquired as to whether they had chosen to cast a ballot on the side of the resistance’s no-trust goal against the state head, expressing that they would cast a ballot as per their “still, small voice.”
March 20, 2022: According to the Constitution, NA Speaker Qaiser was required to call a session for March 25 by March 21—14 days after the opposition’s requisition. However, on March 25, he summoned the session to discuss the no-confidence resolution against Imran a day before the constitutional deadline.
Qaiser claimed that the three-day Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) conference would take place in the NA hall, making it impossible to convene the session.
After initially threatening to disrupt the OIC meeting, the opposition later backed down and stated that domestic politics would not be permitted to influence the event.
March 25, 2022: NA meeting concluded without postponing of no-trust plan
At the point when the NA meeting at long last moved around, it was to a greater extent a bubble instead of a bang. Despite being on the agenda, the much-anticipated session was adjourned shortly after beginning without the resolution being presented.
Why is this? the passing of MNA Khayal Zaman, who died in February.
According to parliamentary custom, the first NA sitting following the death of a lawmaker is restricted to prayers for the deceased and tributes from fellow MNAs.
Consequently, Qaiser postponed the 15-minute session until March 28, much to the dismay of the opposition, in accordance with the preceding custom. However, as the opposition accused him of being partisan, the NA speaker stated before leaving the chamber that he would conduct the proceedings “as per rules and procedures.”
March 27, 2022: The government, which appeared to have masked its panic with bravado, had been hinting for the past few weeks that Imran had a “trump card” up his sleeve to derail the no-confidence motion. The opposition had dismissed this claim as a hollow threat. Imran sees a “foreign plot” behind the move to oust him.
During the party’s power show in Islamabad on March 27, Imran made a countermovement titled “Amr Bil Maroof,” which means “enjoy the good.” He claimed in a speech that lasted nearly two hours that the no-trust move was part of a “foreign-funded conspiracy” against his government because he didn’t want Pakistan’s foreign policy to be influenced by other countries.
“From abroad, efforts are being made to influence our foreign policy. We have known about this plot for months. We also know about the opposition parties, the people who have gathered these people, but the time has changed. This is not Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s time.
“The age of social media is here. Nothing can be kept secret. We will not take orders from anyone. Even though we will be friends with everyone, we will not submit to anyone.
Foreign funds are being used to try to change Pakistan’s government. Our kin are being utilized. Most of the time unintentionally, but there are some who use money against us. We are aware of the locations from which pressure tactics are attempted. Although we have been written threatened, we will not compromise the national interest.
During his speech, the prime minister also made the claim that he was in possession of evidence, a letter, which he said would support his argument.
Later, it would become clear that the in question letter was actually a secret diplomatic cable.
I am presenting the independence of Pakistan to you. The letter I have is confirmation and I need to dare anybody who is questioning this letter. I will welcome them in private. We must decide how long we will continue to live this way. Threats are coming our way. There are numerous things about the unfamiliar connivance which will be shared very soon,” he had said.
March 30, 2022: Imran chooses to lift cover on ‘secret letter’ in NA; PTI’s NA larger part comes crashing down
The mark of the end for the PTI sounded when, notwithstanding its own legislators walking out on the party, its alliance accomplices likewise began to leave transport.
In June 2020, the Balochistan National Party-Mengal (BNP-M) made the decision to leave the PTI government. The Balochistan Awami Party (BAP) moved over to the resistance on Walk 29 followed by the Muttahida Qaumi Development Pakistan (MQM-P) on Walk 30, basically costing the PTI its larger part in the 342-in number Public Gathering.
The premier made the decision to present the so-called “secret letter,” which has since been rebranded as the “cipher,” a coded diplomatic cable, before the lower house of Parliament in the hopes of swaying party dissidents and disgruntled allies. He was alarmed by the rapid departures of his coalition partners.
In a hastily called meeting, he shared the letter with cabinet members. Despite being invited, neither the BAP nor the MQM-P showed up.
Imran also called a select group of television anchors to inform them of the letter’s contents. He stated that Pakistan would face dire consequences if the no-confidence motion failed and that “the language of the letter was threatening and arrogant.” He did not display the letter to them.
March 31, 2022: NA session adjourned again and Imran’s Freudian slip No one was surprised when the NA session was adjourned once more, this time to April 3, just minutes after it started. During the session, lawmakers from the opposition continued to demand that the vote be called by the speaker amid cries of “go Imran go.”
The session was called off by NA Deputy Speaker Qasim Suri, who was in charge of it. He said that the opposition’s attitude was “non-serious.”
Shortly thereafter, opposition leader Shehbaz Sharif made a potentially foreshadowing accusation of the deputy speaker of violating the Constitution while speaking to the media outside the NA.
On the same day, under Imran’s leadership, the National Security Committee (NSC) decided to issue a “strong demarche” to a country it did not name in response to the “threat letter,” describing it as a “blatant interference in the internal affairs of Pakistan.”
In case that weren’t enough, Imran also addressed the nation a
On April 10, one year has passed since the opposition’s successful attempt to remove PTI Chairman Imran Khan from his position as prime minister through a vote of no confidence.
Pakistan’s most memorable top state leader to be eliminated by a particularly parliamentary vote was Khan.
For the past year, the head of the PTI has screamed at the top of his lungs, claiming that he was ousted by a “foreign conspiracy” (a claim that he has since changed), and he has demanded and continues to demand that the country hold elections immediately.
But how did it get to this point? Dawn.com investigates the sequence of events that culminated in the motion of no confidence as well as the final days of the historic event that captivated the nation.
Prelude In 2021, when the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), an opposition alliance formed in 2020, initially split over the action, rumors of introducing a motion of no confidence against the 22nd prime minister began to circulate.
Interestingly, the PPP was the first to hint at the PML-N’s declaration that such a move was “impractical.”
However, the government and military establishment’s meticulously crafted “one-page” narrative began to unravel, which critics have long alleged helped the PTI win power in 2018.
Lt. Imran wanted According to reports in the final quarter of 2021, Gen. Faiz Hameed, who has since retired, will continue in his role as the nation’s new spymaster.
Government ministers repeatedly assured the nation that nothing was amiss behind the scenes as rumors about the impasse over the appointment of the civil and military leadership spread.
Albeit another spymaster was set up toward the finish of October, it gave the idea that the harm had previously been finished. The PDM chose to strike in the wake of smelling blood in the water and formally declared in February 2022 that it would record a no-certainty movement against Imran.
March 8, 2022: Due to the absence of Asad Qaiser, the NA speaker, a delegation of senior opposition lawmakers, including Marriyum Aurangzeb of the PML-N, Rana Sanaullah, Ayaz Sadiq of the PPP, and Shazia Marri of the PPP, presented the no-trust motion against Imran to the National Assembly Secretariat. Nevertheless, they were certain that they had the required numbers.
Two sets of documents were provided by the opposition: one to request a no-confidence vote against the prime minister and another to requisition the lower house of parliament because it was not in session, in accordance with Article 54 of the Constitution.
Marriyum of the PML-N said that the demand notice had 102 individuals sign it, while the goal had 152.
Later that same day, PML-N President Shehbaz Sharif, PPP Leader Asif Ali Zardari, and PDM Chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman gave an interview to officially announce the resistance’s move.
March 17, 2022: PTI lawmakers who had been hiding out at Sindh House in Islamabad came out to demonstrate that the opposition’s claims that they had won over members of the ruling coalition were true. Dissidents from the PTI start a firestorm.
The government made the assertion when it said that the opposition had bought legislators’ loyalty ahead of the no-trust vote.
A significant number of people, including members of the alleged Jehangir Tareen group who joined the PTI prior to the 2018 elections, stated that they were staying alone at the office and decided to go there after observing “dubious activities and getting dangers” while remaining at the Parliament Cabins.
They all denied the claims that they had been offered money to help the opposition’s no-trust move succeed. In any case, when asked if they had decided to vote for the resistance’s no-trust goal against the state head, the individuals were shy and responded that they would vote according to their “still, small voice.”
March 20, 2022: The Constitution mandated that NA Speaker Qaiser convene a session for March 25 by March 21, 14 days after the opposition’s request. In any case, on Walk 25, he gathered the meeting to examine the no-certainty goal against Imran a day in short order.
Qaiser asserted that the NA hall would be used for the three-day Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) conference, making it impossible to convene the session.
The opposition backtracked after initially threatening to disrupt the OIC meeting and stated that domestic politics would not be allowed to influence the event.
March 25, 2022: When the NA meeting finally moved around, it was more like a bubble than a bang. The no-trust plan was completed without being postponed. The much-anticipated session, despite being on the agenda, was called to order shortly after beginning without the resolution being presented.
What’s going on? MNA Khayal Zaman’s passing, which occurred in February.
As indicated by parliamentary custom, the principal NA sitting following the demise of a legislator is confined to supplications for the departed and recognitions from individual MNAs.
As a result, Qaiser followed tradition and postponed the 15-minute meeting until March 28, much to the dismay of the opposition. The NA speaker, on the other hand, stated before leaving the chamber that he would conduct the proceedings “as per rules and procedures” despite the opposition’s claim that he was partisan.
March 27, 2022: The government had been implying for the past few weeks that Imran had a “trump card” up his sleeve to derail the no-confidence motion, and it appeared that the government had masked its panic with bravado. This assertion had been dismissed by the opposition as a hollow threat. The move to get rid of him is a “foreign plot,” according to Imran.
Imran participated in a countermovement titled “Amr Bil Maroof,” which translates to “enjoy the good,” at the party’s power show on March 27 in Islamabad. In a nearly two-hour speech, he said that the no-trust move was part of a “foreign-funded conspiracy” against his government because he didn’t want other countries to influence Pakistan’s foreign policy.
“Efforts are being made to influence our foreign policy from abroad. This plot has been on our radar for months. We are also aware of the opposition parties and the individuals who have gathered these individuals, but the circumstances have changed. This is not the time for Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
“The social media era has arrived. Nothing is secretable. We won’t take orders from anybody. We will not bow to anyone, even though we will be friends with everyone.
Pakistan’s government is being tried to be changed with money from abroad. Our relatives are being used. More often than not inadvertently, yet there are some who use cash against us. We are aware of the points of attempt for pressure tactics. We will not compromise the national interest, despite written threats.
The prime minister also asserted during his speech that he possessed evidence—a letter—that would back up his argument.
It would later become abundantly clear that the disputed letter was in fact a secret diplomatic cable.
I am presenting Pakistan’s independence to you. I must dare anyone who questions the letter I have because it is confirmation. I will invite them in private. We must determine how much longer we will live this way. We are facing threats. He had stated, “There are many things about the unfamiliar connivance that will be shared very soon.”
March 30, 2022: In NA, Imran chooses to conceal the “secret letter”; PTI’s NA majority collapses The PTI’s end was signaled when its alliance partners began to leave transportation in addition to its own legislators walking out on the party.
The Balochistan National Party-Mengal (BNP-M) decided to leave the PTI government in June 2020. The Balochistan Awami Party (BAP) moved over to the opposition on Walk 29 followed by the Muttahida Qaumi Improvement Pakistan (MQM-P) on Walk 30, essentially costing the PTI its bigger part in the 342-in number Public Social occasion.
The premier decided to present the so-called “secret letter,” which has since been renamed the “cipher,” a coded diplomatic cable, to the lower house of Parliament in the hopes of persuading party dissidents and unhappy allies. The quick departures of his coalition partners alarmed him.
He distributed the letter to cabinet members during a hurriedly called meeting. Both the MQM-P and the BAP were invited, but neither of them showed up.
In addition, Imran informed a select group of television anchors about the contents of the letter by calling them. He expressed that Pakistan would confront desperate outcomes assuming the no-certainty movement fizzled and that “the language of the letter was compromising and presumptuous.” He didn’t show the letter to them.
March 31, 2022: No one was surprised when the NA session was adjourned once more, this time to April 3, just minutes after it started. Imran made a Freudian slip. Despite cries of “go Imran go,” opposition lawmakers kept pressing for the vote to be called by the speaker throughout the session.
Qasim Suri, the NA Deputy Speaker in charge of the session, called it off. The opposition’s attitude, according to him, was “non-serious.”
Shortly thereafter, opposition leader Shehbaz Sharif addressed the media outside the NA and made a potentially foreshadowing claim that the deputy speaker had broken the Constitution.
Under Imran’s direction, the National Security Committee (NSC) made the decision on the same day to send a “strong demarche” to a country it didn’t name in response to the “threat letter,” describing it as a “blatant interference in the internal affairs of Pakistan.”
Imran also gave the nation a speech, in case that weren’t enough.